The man accused of attacking Rep. Angie Craig (D-Minn.) in her apartment building pleaded guilty on Thursday to assault.

Kendrid Khalil Hamlin, 27, pleaded guilty to assaulting a member of Congress, as well as law enforcement officials, according to the U.S. attorney’s office for the District of Columbia.

Hamlin allegedly followed the Minnesota congresswoman into an elevator in her apartment building on Feb. 9 and told her that he was coming into her apartment to use the bathroom, according to court documents.

After Craig told him that he could not, Hamlin reportedly punched her in the face and grabbed her to prevent her from reaching the elevator keypad. The congresswoman then threw a cup of hot coffee on Hamlin, at which point he released her, and she ran out of the elevator.

Hamlin also pleaded guilty to assaulting a detective and a police officer with the Metropolitan Police Department on the same day.

His attorneys told The Associated Press on Thursday that Hamlin has “accepted responsibility for his actions today with the earnest hope of moving towards rehabilitation and the mental health treatment he very much wants and needs.”

Craig previously criticized Washington, D.C. over its handling of her alleged assailant, who had been convicted of various crimes 12 times before her assault.

“I got attacked by someone who the District of Columbia has not prosecuted fully over the course of almost a decade, over the course of 12 assaults before mine that morning,” she said at the time. “And so I think we have to think about how in the world can we make sure that we’re not just letting criminals out.”

Rep. Steny Hoyer (D-Md.) endorsed Angela Alsobrooks (D) in Maryland’s Senate race on Thursday, throwing his support behind the Prince George’s county executive over his House colleague, Rep. David Trone (D-Md.).

Hoyer — who previously served as House majority leader — endorsed Alsobrooks during a campaign event in Suitland, Maryland.

“I proudly offer Angela Alsobrooks my endorsement for the United States Senate,” Hoyer said in a statement. 

“It’s rare to find leaders who understand and respect history while putting forward a bold vision for the future. I have long known that Angela is one of those exceptional leaders. I ask all Marylanders to join me in sending her strong, experienced, and compelling voice to the United States Senate,” he added.

Alsobrooks and Trone are running to succeed Sen. Ben Cardin (D-Md.) in the upper chamber, after the senator announced in early May that he would not seek a fourth term. The retirement opened up a rare Senate vacancy in Maryland, a blue state.

Trone rolled out his campaign for Senate days after Cardin’s announcement, and Alsobrooks followed shortly after. Montgomery County Councilmember Will Jawando and Jerome Segal — an activist, philosopher, the president of the Jewish Peace Society and the founder of the socialist “Bread and Roses” party — are also in the race.

One other high-profile Democrat could enter the already crowded primary field — Rep. Jamie Raskin (Md.), who said he was going to “seriously investigate” a bid shortly after Cardin’s announcement.

Last month, he told reporters he was “leaning right in the middle” when asked about where he is on the decision, adding “I’m wavering back and forth.”

Alsobrooks welcomed the support from Hoyer following his endorsement on Thursday.

“I am honored to receive the endorsement and support of Congressman Hoyer, who has been a wonderful colleague, mentor and friend, offering his partnership and spirit of collaboration throughout my career,” Alsobrooks said in a statement.

“I will work to ensure that all Marylanders have what I want for my own family; safe communities, access to a quality education, jobs and economic opportunities. We will go farther together.”

The House Republicans' campaign arm is pitching the debate over a debt ceiling bill that passed the House on Wednesday as a "successful 2024 road test" as the party looks to retain its majority.

House Republicans overcame a key hurdle by passing in a 314-117 vote a debt limit deal struck between House Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) and President Biden, despite some opposition from conservatives and progressives alike. It now heads to the Senate for consideration.

A memo released by the National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC) on Thursday, which was first shared with The Hill, characterizes that debate as a win for the party.

"Recent public polling and changing perceptions among voters about President Biden and Speaker Kevin McCarthy demonstrate the public overwhelmingly sides with Republicans on the debate over our nation’s spending and debt," the NRCC memo said. "House Democrats uniformly dug in on a toxic position – that the country does not have a spending problem – handing Republicans a powerful political cudgel for the 2024 cycle."

The memo pointed to polling from CNN, Fox News and other news outlets indicating a majority of Americans would allow the debt ceiling to be raised in conjunction with spending cuts to the federal budget.

"Hakeem Jeffries committed a major tactical blunder by forcing his vulnerable Members to go on the record for unchecked government spending,” the NRCC memo said, referring to the House minority leader, a New York Democrat. “This dead-on-arrival measure is opposed by broad majorities of Americans, including large numbers of Democratic voters.

"Politically, this represents a fresh opportunity to remind voters that Democrats spent trillions of dollars on wasteful projects with total Democratic control of Washington, spiking inflation and hurting their personal pocketbooks. Coupled with House Democrats’ unanimous vote against the Limit, Save, Grow Act – the ads write themselves," it added.

House GOP leadership was able to breathe a sigh of relief on Wednesday when it passed the McCarthy-Biden debt ceiling deal, despite opposition from a number of conservatives and progressives. Some Republicans took issue with the fact that the bill didn't include many of the priorities that were a part of their "Limit, Save, Grow" bill that the lower chamber passed earlier this year. 

Notably, a number of 2024 Republican presidential hopefuls criticized the debt ceiling bill, including Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.), former Vice President Pence and former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley — suggesting that there's lingering internal disagreement within the party over the deal itself. 

Scott, the only 2024 challenger who will actually vote on the bill, voiced concerns the bill allows the debt ceiling to be raised through early 2025. 

House Republican leadership, for their part, have messaged that the bill is a victory for the party. 

"The Fiscal Responsibility Act is a significant 'Republican victory' consisting of 'historical reductions in spending,' that will rein in government overreach, limit inflationary spending, and lift millions of Americans out of poverty. House Republicans successfully drove the public narrative around the debt ceiling negotiations between President Biden and Speaker McCarthy from start to finish," House Republican Conference Chair Elise Stefanik (R-N.Y.) said in a memo on Wednesday.

Meanwhile, other Republicans have suggested that while they have issues with the bill itself, they were able to reconcile some of those differences enough to vote on it. 

"It was politically easy for people like me to vote no on this, because none of us ever want to raise the debt ceiling. I certainly don't, especially on all this debt that I never voted to create. So it was actually harder for people like me to get in here and work hard to get this passed," Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) said after voting on the bill.

"We are actually cutting spending with this bill. And I think that's something I can take home and say, look, the bill isn't perfect. There's a lot of things I don't like it. But we did cut spending, we're saving the American people money," she said.

The House comfortably passed the bipartisan bill to raise the debt ceiling until January 2025 and make spending cuts in numerous areas with support from both parties. 

The House passed the legislation 314-117, with 149 Republicans and 165 Democrats voting in favor, sending it to the Senate. But 71 Republicans and 46 Democrats defied party leaders and voted against the bill.

Many conservative hardliners have slammed the bill for not going far enough to cut spending, while some progressive Democrats have criticized the legislation for increasing work requirements for programs like the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program and the spending cuts.

Here are the House Republicans who voted against the bill: 

Rep. Mark Alford (R-Mo.) 

Rep. Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.) 

Rep. Dan Bishop (R-N.C.) 

Rep. Mike Bost (R-Ill.) 

Rep. Josh Brecheen (R-Okla.) 

Rep. Vern Buchanan (R-Fla.) 

Rep. Ken Buck (R-Colo.) 

Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.) 

Rep. Eric Burlison (R-Mo.) 

Rep. Kat Cammack (R-Fla.) 

Rep. John Carter (R-Texas) 

Rep. Ben Cline (R-Va.) 

Rep. Michael Cloud (R-Texas) 

Rep. Andrew Clyde (R-Ga.) 

Rep. Mike Collins (R-Ga.) 

Rep. Eli Crane (R-Ariz.) 

Rep. Scott DesJarlais (R-Tenn.) 

Rep. Byron Donalds (R-Fla.) 

Rep. Pat Fallon (R-Texas) 

Rep. Brad Finstad (R-Minn.) 

Rep. Michelle Fischbach (R-Minn.) 

Rep. Russel Fry (R-S.C.) 

Rep. Russ Fulcher (R-Idaho) 

Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.) 

Rep. Tony Gonzalez (R-Texas) 

Rep. Bob Good (R-Va.) 

Rep. Lance Gooden (R-Texas) 

Rep. Paul Gosar (R-Ariz.) 

Rep. Morgan Griffith (R-Va.) 

Rep. Michael Guest (R-Miss.) 

Rep. Harriet Hageman (R-Wyo.) 

Rep. Andy Harris (R-Md.) 

Rep. Diana Harshbarger (R-Tenn.) 

Rep. Kevin Hern (R-Okla.) 

Rep. Clay Higgins (R-La.) 

Rep. Wesley Hunt (R-Texas) 

Rep. Ronny Jackson (R-Texas) 

Rep. Darin LaHood (R-Ill.) 

Rep. Debbie Lesko (R-Ariz.) 

Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.) 

Rep. Morgan Luttrell (R-Texas) 

Rep. Nancy Mace (R-S.C.) 

Rep. Tracy Mann (R-Kansas) 

Rep. Brian Mast (R-Fla.) 

Rep. Richard McCormick (R-Ga.) 

Rep. Mary Miller (R-Ill.) 

Rep. Cory Mills (R-Fla.) 

Rep. Alex Mooney (R-W.Va.) 

Rep. Barry Moore (R-Ala.) 

Rep. Nathaniel Moran (R-Texas) 

Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) 

Rep. Andy Ogles (R-Tenn.) 

Rep. Gary Palmer (R-Ga.) 

Rep. Scott Perry (R-Pa.) 

Rep. Bill Posey (R-Fla.) 

Rep. John Rose (R-Tenn.) 

Rep. Matt Rosendale (R-Mont.) 

Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) 

Rep. George Santos (R-N.Y.) 

Rep. Keith Self (R-Texas) 

Rep. Pete Sessions (R-Texas) 

Rep. Victoria Spartz (R-Ind.) 

Rep. Greg Steube (R-Fla.) 

Rep. Dale Strong (R-Ala.) 

Rep. Tom Tiffany (R-Wis.) 

Rep. William Timmons (R-S.C.) 

Rep. Jeff Van Drew (R-N.J.) 

Rep. Beth Van Duyne (R-Texas) 

Rep. Mike Waltz (R-Fla.) 

Rep. Randy Weber (R-Texas) 

Rep. Ryan Zinke (R-Mont.) 

Here are the House Democrats who voted against the bill: 

Rep. Nanette Barragán (D-Calif.) 

Rep. Suzanne Bonamici (D-Ore.) 

Rep. Jamaal Bowman (D-N.Y.) 

Rep. Cori Bush (D-Mo.) 

Rep. Greg Casar (D-Texas) 

Rep. Joaquin Castro (D-Texas) 

Rep. Judy Chu (D-Calif.) 

Rep. Yvette Clarke (D-N.Y.) 

Rep. Gerry Connolly (D-Va.) 

Rep. Jasmine Crockett (D-Texas) 

Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.) 

Rep. Mark DeSaulnier (D-Calif.) 

Rep. Adriano Espaillat (D-N.Y.) 

Rep. Jesus Garcia (D-Ill.) 

Rep. Sylvia Garcia (D-Texas) 

Rep. Daniel Goldman (D-N.Y.) 

Rep. Jimmy Gomez (D-Calif.) 

Rep. Raul Grijalva (D-Ill.) 

Rep. Jahana Hayes (D-Conn.) 

Rep. Val Hoyle (D-Ore.) 

Rep. Jared Huffman (D-Calif.) 

Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.) 

Rep. Sydney Kamlager-Dove (D-Calif.) 

Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) 

Rep. John Larson (D-Conn.) 

Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Calif.) 

Rep. Summer Lee (D-Pa.) 

Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.) 

Rep. Grace Meng (D-N.Y.) 

Rep. Gwen Moore (D-Wis.) 

Rep. Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) 

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) 

Rep. Mark Pocan (D-N.Y.) 

Rep. Katie Porter (D-Calif.) 

Rep. Ayanna Pressley (D-Mass.) 

Rep. Delia Ramirez (D-Ill.) 

Rep. Jan Schakowsky (D-Ill.) 

Rep. Robert Scott (D-Va.) 

Rep. Melanie Stansbury (D-N.M.) 

Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.) 

Rep. Norma Torres (D-Calif.) 

Rep. Ritchie Torres (D-N.Y.) 

Rep. Juan Vargas (D-Calif.) 

Rep. Nydia Velázquez (D-N.Y.) 

Rep. Nikema Williams (D-Ga.) 

Rep. Frederica Wilson (D-Fla.)

The House’s passage of a debt limit deal Wednesday night marks the end of a pivotal chapter for the new House GOP majority, putting Congress on a path to avoid a default and securing a huge victory for Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) — even as it’s infuriated conservatives in his own conference.

The vote followed months of jockeying between McCarthy and President Biden over the appropriateness of negotiating future spending as part of the effort to extend the government’s borrowing authority — a fight McCarthy won handily, by forcing Biden reluctantly to the table.

But the final agreement also excluded most of the spending cuts and other favored provisions in the partisan debt ceiling package Republicans passed last month, highlighting the political realities — and potential pitfalls — of shepherding big ideas through a divided Washington.

With a final vote of 314-117, the bill overwhelmingly passed, and McCarthy garnered a "yes" vote from about two-thirds of the Republican conference. But overall, more Democrats voted for the bill than GOP lawmakers.

Here are five takeaways on what passage of the Fiscal Responsibility Act means for the politics of the House.

McCarthy proved he can cut big bipartisan deals

The Speaker has defied expectations since struggling to win the gavel in January, rallying Republicans behind a host of bills advancing the party’s priorities on a wide variety of issues, including immigration, energy policy and education. 

But virtually all of those proposals were partisan messaging bills, with no hope of consideration by Democrats who control the Senate or White House. In that important respect, the debt ceiling package marked McCarthy’s first major negotiation with leaders across the aisle — and the first real, must-pass bill that’s moved through the House under his guidance. 

The fraught process has proven that McCarthy can not only move partisan bills through the House, but can also navigate bipartisan bills into law — all in a pressure-cooker environment when failure might have led to an economy-crushing default. 

Rep. Patrick McHenry (R-N.C.), one of the GOP negotiators for the debt bill, said the White House had “for damn sure” underestimated McCarthy.

“Kevin McCarthy has always been underestimated,” McHenry said. 

“The White House miscalculated on this one. They misjudged the Speaker,” added Rep. Garret Graves (R-La.). “He is hands-down the best strategist I've ever worked with.”

Relations within the House GOP conference have soured

For House GOP leaders, the debt ceiling win came at the cost of strained internal relations.

Graves, who also negotiated with the White House on the deal, expressed frustration with members of the House Freedom Caucus criticizing the package — particularly Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas).

“Some trust was lost, I'm not gonna lie,” Graves said. “There really was, and I'm really offended.”

Graves said that the GOP criticisms “play into the hands of the White House.”

“We have some relationship repair that needs to happen,” Graves said, adding that he has talked candidly to Roy about how he feels. “We're going to need to sit down and talk and probably over several bottles of something initially.”

Roy responded to Graves’s loss of trust on Twitter.

“Garret and I will sit down and talk about it. He’s a good man and he (and Patrick [McHenry]) worked hard on this. But this is the country we’re talking about - and the bill is exactly what it is,” Roy said.

Frustrated conservatives also went after party leaders for ignoring their concerns, characterizing the Republicans’ all-hands briefings on the package as cosmetic exercises with no real purpose. 

Asked if GOP leaders were listening to member concerns, Rep. Lauren Boebert (R-Colo.) didn’t pause: "No, they weren't responsive to any concerns,” she said. “They never are." 

Higher chance of attempt to oust McCarthy as Speaker

Conservative outrage about the bill not having deep enough cuts has increased the chances of McCarthy facing a GOP mutiny. Any single member can make a motion to vacate the chair — which would force a vote on removing McCarthy as Speaker.

Rep. Dan Bishop (R-N.C.) became the first member to officially call for such a motion over the debt bill Tuesday, saying: “I think it’s got to be done.” He did not explicitly commit to making the motion, saying he would first consult with colleagues.

“There’s 222 members of the Republican conference. Nobody in the Republican conference could have done a worse job,” Bishop said of McCarthy’s negotiation with the White House.

Rep. Ken Buck (R-Colo.) echoed those gripes, saying Wednesday that McCarthy “should be concerned” about a motion to vacate.

McCarthy, for his part, has brushed aside the threat, saying he is not worried about losing his Speakership. And other confrontational conservative Republicans are putting down the idea. 

Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio), a founding member of the Freedom Caucus, said the motion to vacate is a “terrible idea.” And Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) said she did not take those threats seriously. Both Jordan and Greene have become McCarthy allies.

Jeffries, Dem leaders keep a tight ship

McCarthy was not the only untested congressional leader heading into the debt ceiling fight. 

Rep. Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.), the newly tapped Democratic leader, was also under heavy pressure to deliver for the party in his first major battle with a tight deadline and the economy in the balance. 

That gave Jeffries and his leadership team the delicate task of protecting Biden, an unpopular president who’s running for reelection, from charges that he gave away too much, while also giving rank-and-file members of his caucus free rein to air their protests with the deal — and even vote against it when it hit the floor. There was no whip operation on final passage.

“Members will make the decision that is best for them,” Rep. Pete Aguilar (Calif.), chairman of the Democratic Caucus, said Wednesday morning. 

Jeffries also orchestrated several deft maneuvers throughout the debate. 

In January, Democratic leaders very quietly launched the process, known as a discharge petition, to force a vote on a clean debt ceiling bill as an emergency hatch if the talks went sideways. Behind Jeffries and Rep. Katherine Clark (D-Mass.), the Democratic whip, party leaders then secured unanimous support for that petition, which heightened the pressure on Republicans to cut a deal with Biden.

And Wednesday, when McCarthy failed to secure the necessary Republican votes to pass the rule governing the bill, Jeffries mobilized Democrats to buck tradition and fill the void to ensure the measure could pass — but only after it was clear that Democrats would be needed to rescue the vote. 

Even McCarthy was impressed with that strategy. 

“I probably would have done the same [thing],” McCarthy said. “Good play.”

Government funding battles on the horizon

The debt limit bill erases the threat of government default until 2025 and sets top-line spending caps, but Congress still has work to do to actually fund the government before Oct. 1 or face a shutdown — a threat that’s been heightened by the consternation of conservative deficit hawks dismayed by McCarthy’s performance in the debt ceiling fight.

One part of the bill aims to incentivize Congress to pass 12 regular appropriations bills by instituting a penalty for failure: an automatic 1 percent cut to discretionary programs, across the board. 

“Appropriations is where the fight is,” Greene said.

Spending will not be the only fight. Conservatives are also eying the coming 2024 budget debate as their leverage point to install favored policy priorities.

Rep. Warren Davidson (R-Ohio) said that the only way Republicans can combat “weaponized government” is through the appropriations process. Greene is fighting hard for a balanced budget amendment and legislation to block any new hires at the IRS. Other Republicans have eyed defunding parts of the FBI that they find objectionable.

“​​We have a chance to control spending more transparently and precisely using powerful Congressional tools such as the upcoming appropriations bills,” Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) said in a tweet Tuesday. 

In late March, the prospects of President Biden and Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) coming together for a deal to raise the debt ceiling that both men found palatable looked dim.

Biden on March 28 flatly rejected a call from McCarthy for a meeting, instead urging the top House Republican to release a budget proposal before they could have a conversation in person.

Two days later, McCarthy quipped that he would bring a “soft food” lunch to the White House if that’s what it required for the two leaders to meet in person, an apparent swipe at Biden’s age.

By Memorial Day Weekend, both Biden and McCarthy were publicly complimenting each other and urging their respective parties to pass a deal they had finally signed off on.

“I think he negotiated with me in good faith. He kept his word. He said what he would do. He did what he said he’d do,” Biden said of McCarthy after delivering remarks Sunday at the White House.

“Very professional, very smart. Very tough at the same time,” McCarthy told reporters at the Capitol of his talks with Biden.

The budget deal and simultaneous agreement to lift the debt ceiling for two years marks a significant legislative achievement for two men who until recently had a very limited working relationship, with a big assist from top negotiators like Rep. Garret Graves (R-La.) and Office of Management and Budget Director Shalanda Young.

And while the sides traded barbs publicly to argue for their position, a mutual respect and sense of professionalism was persistent as a deal came together, according to officials close to the negotiations.

Biden and McCarthy have a shared Irish heritage, but otherwise little else to bond over. After November’s midterms, when it was apparent Republicans would retake the House majority, Biden said he hadn’t had much reason to talk to McCarthy previously.

They finally met on Feb. 1 to discuss the budget and other matters, which McCarthy called a “very good discussion.” But aside from interacting at a St. Patrick’s Day celebration on Capitol Hill in March, the two leaders went weeks without speaking, worrying some in Washington that the stalemate would send the country careening toward a default.

White House officials were adamant that there would be no negotiation on the debt ceiling, and Biden for weeks insisted that he would be willing to sit down with McCarthy again once he released a budget proposal.

One turning point in talks came when House Republicans in late April passed their own bill that would slash federal spending and extend the government’s borrowing authority into next year. It marked a major win for McCarthy, and it brought the president to the table for budget negotiations.

“Biden has been around a long time. When he wants to, he can be cooperative, and when he doesn’t want to he can be obnoxious,” former Speaker Newt Gingrich (R-Ga.) said in an interview.

“I think the White House believed that yelling ‘default’ would work and that in the end Kevin McCarthy would have to cave,” Gingrich added. “And I think it gradually became clear that they can’t bluff him. This is a guy who survived 15 votes to become Speaker. He’s quite capable of being very patient.”

Biden finally reached out to McCarthy to invite him and other congressional leaders to meet on May 9, but it was not until after a second meeting the following week when there was a development viewed as a major sign of progress.

It was then that Biden and McCarthy appointed lead negotiators to work on hashing out a deal at the staff level. Biden tapped Young, a longtime Capitol Hill aide with strong relationships on both sides of the aisle, while McCarthy leaned on Graves, a top ally and, like Young, a Louisiana native.

As negotiators worked through their differences with a potential default deadline bearing down, Biden and McCarthy met again on May 22 for talks that McCarthy described as “productive.”

With talks slowly progressing, some Democrats were exasperated that it was McCarthy appearing on camera in front of the West Wing or inside the Capitol to offer regular assessments of how talks were going, while Biden largely remained in the background and avoided declarative public remarks about the state of talks.

But Biden’s relative public silence in the final days of negotiations allowed negotiators to get to a final agreement without applying added pressure or potentially souring the good faith built up with McCarthy over the past month.

“This has been something that both sides, again, came to the table in good faith, understanding how important this is to the American people,” Young said Tuesday. “And that's what you saw. The American people should at least have some understanding or some comfort that, you know, government is working for them in the sense of coming forward with a bipartisan, reasonable agreement.”

McCarthy appears to have avoided a serious threat to his speakership for now, even as some conservatives complained about the deal he cut with Biden and suggested it should be grounds for his removal.

Biden is also dealing with animosity from his left flank, with progressives bothered by the inclusion of tougher work requirements for social safety net recipients.

“I made clear from the start of negotiations that the only path forward was a bipartisan budget agreement,” Biden tweeted Wednesday. “No one got everything they wanted. But that’s the responsibility of governing.”

So long as McCarthy retains the gavel, he and Biden will likely face additional future obstacles over the next 18 months. While those close to both men don’t see them as fast friends in the wake of the past month of negotiations, there are indications that they can work together and find common ground.

Rep. Patrick McHenry (R-N.C.), who was in the room for negotiations in recent weeks, was asked Wednesday if the Biden-McCarthy relationship is closer as the debt ceiling standoff reached its resolution.

"Better, right? But you've got two Irish guys that don't drink,” McHenry quipped to reporters. “The bonding opportunities are not the same for an Irish guy like me. They both have a sweet tooth. Kevin for desserts, broadly. Biden obviously for ice cream."

“It’s just a different construct for them sitting down and talking,” he added.

The House on Wednesday night passed a bipartisan bill to suspend the debt ceiling, overcoming vocal opposition from conservative and liberal lawmakers and bringing the country one step closer to avoiding an economy-rattling default ahead of next week’s deadline.

The legislation — which was crafted through negotiations between President Biden, Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) and their designees — cleared the chamber in a bipartisan 314-117 vote and now heads to the Senate, where leaders are hoping for swift consideration as the default deadline looms.

Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen has warned that the U.S. could run out of cash to pay its bills by June 5, a situation that would plunge the country into its first-ever default — which economists and administration officials have warned would be catastrophic for the economy.

The bill suspends the debt limit through Jan. 1, 2025, while also implementing a slew of cost-cutting measures including new spending caps over the next two years and a clawback of billions of dollars of unspent COVID-19 funds. It also includes permitting reform, puts an end date on Biden’s pause on student loan repayments and beefs up work requirements for federal assistance programs.

Wednesday’s vote marked a victory for McCarthy, who led his conference in passing a sweeping debt limit bill in April, got Biden to the negotiating table after the president for months insisted on a "clean" debt ceiling increase, and succeeded in narrowing those talks to just him, the president and their appointed deputies. McCarthy's deputies then extracted concessions from the White House, refused proposals like increasing taxes and worked furiously to sell the ultimate agreement to his conference.

“Passing the Fiscal Responsibility Act is a crucial first step for putting America back on track,” McCarthy said on the House floor Wednesday. “It does what is responsible for our children, what is possible in divided government, and what is required by our principles and promises.”

“Yes, it may not include everything we need to do,” he continued, “but it is absolutely what we need to do right now.”

But the deal simultaneously heightened the chances that McCarthy — who fought for his Speakership over 15 ballots in January — could face a challenge to his gavel from disgruntled conservatives who felt betrayed by the agreement he struck with the White House.

The vote also notched a win for Biden, who achieved the Democrats’ goal of punting any future debt limit increase beyond the 2024 presidential election.

Both camps, however, saw their fair share of opposition.

Seventy-one Republicans and 46 Democrats voted against the bill in the House — mostly liberals and conservatives protesting specific provisions of the bill. Their numbers, however, were never a threat to the bill’s passage because of a hodgepodge of moderates and leadership allies who — despite some acknowledging the bill wasn't exactly what they wanted — threw their support behind the measure.

Conservatives, generally speaking, were frustrated with the lackluster magnitude of spending cuts in the agreement and the absence of several provisions that were in the debt limit bill — titled the Limit, Save, Grow Act — that House Republicans passed in April. 

The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) Tuesday estimated that the bipartisan debt limit deal could reduce projected deficits by about $1.5 trillion over the next decade, a meager assessment compared to the roughly $4.8 trillion the nonpartisan scorekeeper said the GOP bill would save.

Ahead of the high-stakes vote, more than 30 Republicans went on the record saying they would not vote for the bill, with some encouraging their GOP colleagues to join them in opposition.

“I want to be very clear: Not one Republican should vote for this deal. Not one,” Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) said during a press conference Tuesday. “If you’re out there watching this, every one of my colleagues, I’m gonna be very clear: Not one Republican should vote for this deal.”

“It is a bad deal,” he added.

Liberals, on the other hand, voiced concern with the size and scope of spending cuts in the bill, and accused Republicans of holding the U.S. economy hostage by forcing cost-cutting provisions in conjunction with the debt limit hike.

Work requirements also emerged as a particularly controversial topic throughout negotiations — which McCarthy dubbed a red line and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) called a nonstarter. 

The legislation implements new work requirements for recipients of the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program — formerly known as food stamps — who are aged 50 to 54 and do not have dependents, and it includes some additional work requirements for the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program.

The bill does, however, include food stamp work requirement exemptions for individuals experiencing homelessness, veterans, and those 24 years or younger who were in foster care when they turned 18.

The CBO estimated that the work requirement changes would actually increase spending by $2.1 billion over the next 10 years.

The bill came to the floor for a final vote on Wednesday after a drama-filled procedural vote that drove Democrats to trigger an emergency effort to help Republicans advance the bill.

While votes on rules, which govern debate over legislation, typically break along party lines, 29 Republicans broke from the GOP and opposed the rule on Wednesday as a way to boycott the debt limit bill. Shortly before the vote closed — as the bill was poised to be blocked — 52 Democrats threw their support behind the rule, bringing the final vote to 241-187 and allowing the debt limit bill to advance to the floor for a full vote.

“From the very beginning, House Democrats were clear that we would not allow extreme MAGA Republicans to default on our debt, crash the economy or trigger a job-killing recession. Under the leadership of President Joe Biden, Democrats kept our promise. And we will continue to do what is necessary to put people over politics,” Jeffries said on the House floor Wednesday.

He noted the last-minute scrambling on the debt limit bill.

“The question that remains right now is what will the House Republican majority do? It appears that you may have lost control of the floor of the House of Representatives. Earlier today 29 house republicans voted to default on our nation’s debt and against an agreement that you negotiated,” Jeffries said. “It’s an extraordinary act that indicates just the nature of the extremism that is out of control on the other side of the aisle."

House passage of the Biden-McCarthy deal puts Congress closer to capping off a months-long saga over the debt ceiling, which began when the nation hit its borrowing limit on Jan. 19, forcing the Treasury Department to begin implementing extraordinary measures so the country could continue paying its bills and stave off a default.

And it changes the political dynamics in the House GOP for McCarthy. 

McCarthy in January had made concessions and commitments on House rules and spending in order to secure the Speakership. The various factions of the conference had generally gotten along in the months since, but the right flank’s disappointment in the debt limit deal shattered that.

Rep. Dan Bishop (R-Calif.) even called for a vote to oust McCarthy as Speaker – though did not commit to making that move.

Allies of McCarthy hope that the discontent will blow over. 

“I think you’ll see that there’s still a broad cross-section of this conference that wants to try to figure out a way to do things together,” Rep. Dusty Johnson (R-S.D.) said.

McCarthy, for his part, is brushing aside the looming threat.

“Everybody has the ability to do what they want. But if you think I'm gonna wake up in the morning and be ever worried about that?” he told reporters Wednesday. “No, doesn't bother me.”

Emily Brooks and Mike Lillis contributed.

House Oversight Committee Chair James Comer (R-Ky.) said an FBI offer to review a document he subpoenaed has not swayed his plans to hold Director Christopher Wray in contempt of Congress, adding he may release the confidential tip publicly.

Comer issued a subpoena earlier this month compelling Wray to produce any FD-1023 forms — records of interactions with confidential sources — from June 2020 that contain the word “Biden.”

The FBI on Tuesday wrote to the committee it would make an “extraordinary accommodation” to allow the panel to review the form at agency headquarters.

But a planned Wednesday call between Wray and Comer resolved little.

“Director Wray did not commit to producing the documents subpoenaed by the House Oversight Committee. While Director Wray — after a month of refusing to even acknowledge that the form existed — has offered to allow us to see the documents in person at FBI headquarters, we have been clear that anything short of producing these documents to the House Oversight Committee is not in compliance with the subpoena,” Comer said in a statement.

“If the FBI fails to hand over the FD-1023 form as required by the subpoena, the House Oversight Committee will begin contempt of Congress proceedings.”

Speaking with reporters shortly after the call, Comer said he plans to bring the matter up for a vote in committee next week, a move that was slammed by Rep. Jamie Raskin (Md.), the top Democrat on the panel.

“Obviously the purpose of requesting the subpoena is to try to get a contempt motion against the FBI director. There's no other explanation for it, because they're essentially offering anything that they want,” Raskin said Wednesday.

Comer said following the call that he wants more information about how the FBI handled the tip.

“We want to know what they’ve done with it. This is a very serious allegation. Has the FBI investigated it?...What did they find?” he asked.

The chair went on to say he would consider releasing the form publicly.

“I think it would help with you all,” Comer said of the media, going on to reference another probe that scoured Biden family business bank records but failed to show any foreign money flowing directly to Joe Biden. 

“We produced bank records and a lot of the media questioned the validity or credibility of our investigation — we actually had the record — so I feel like showing the media the actual Form 1023 would help with you all's quest to write about the proof,” he added.

That’s one of the FBI’s fears.

The Tuesday letter from the bureau stressed “concern over the chilling effect that could flow from the wide dissemination of investigative files, to include reduced willingness of confidential human sources to provide valuable reporting.” 

“As you know, confidential sources are critical to the FBI’s ability to build cases, including those against violent gangs, drug cartels, and terrorists,” it added.

The FBI also reiterated the unverified nature of the information.

That was a point echoed by Raskin, who was blocked from joining Comer’s call with Wray but spoke to the director afterwards.

“This Form 1023 is a record of some information that comes to the FBI. It could be based on double, triple, quadruple or quintuple hearsay. Somebody told somebody who told somebody who told somebody who told somebody this tip, right? So I don't know the specifics of this, but a Form 1023 overwhelmingly does not lead to a criminal investigation or prosecution,” Raskin said.

A contempt vote for Wray, while a remarkable move, would have little practical effect for the director. The vote, which also must be approved by the full House, serves as a recommendation to the Department of Justice (DOJ)), which would make the final call over whether to pursue a criminal prosecution.

It’s a decision DOJ has faced recently, choosing to pursue only half of such referrals forwarded by the House Jan. 6 committee last year, filing charges against two Trump allies who defied subpoenas.

Comer plans to review the document at FBI headquarters, a committee spokesman said, while Raskin said he also plans to do so.

The FBI on Wednesday noted it has reviewed the matter for the committee in a briefing.

“During today’s call, Director Wray offered to provide the Committee’s Chairman and Ranking Member an opportunity to review information responsive to the subpoena in a secure manner to accommodate the committee, while protecting the confidentiality and safety of sources and important investigative sensitivities,” the agency said in a statement.

“The FBI has continually demonstrated its commitment to working with the Committee to accommodate its request, from scheduling briefings and calls to now allowing the Chair to review information in person. The FBI remains committed to cooperating with the Committee in good faith.”

Rep. Ken Buck (R-Colo.) said House Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) “should be concerned” about a motion to remove him after the debt ceiling deal he struck with President Biden moves through Congress.

McCarthy has said he is “not at all” concerned about being removed from his position following the conservative backlash to the debt agreement.

But Buck said in an interview on CNN on Wednesday he should be.

“Yeah, I think he should be concerned,” Buck said about McCarthy’s future as speaker, adding that he was not saying that enough votes exist to remove him from the role. 

“And so, after this vote — and he will win the vote tonight — but after this vote, we will have discussions about whether there should be a motion to vacate or not,” he continued. 

Rep. Dan Bishop (R-N.C.) on Tuesday became the first House Republican to publicly declare his support for a motion to vacate McCarthy, which would force a vote on whether he continues to preside over the House. 

Buck on Wednesday reiterated claims from a group of far-right lawmakers who say McCarthy broke his word in the agreement that sealed their initial support for his speakership.

Buck and others say McCarthy promised that he would push for government funding at fiscal year 2022 appropriations levels as speaker, but his deal with Biden would keep nondefense spending at 2023 levels for next fiscal year and allow a 1 percent increase in 2025. 

Buck said the difference is a “major change for a lot of people.” 

Since McCarthy won the speakership in January after a historic 15 ballots, Republicans have largely dismissed questions about whether they would remove him from his post. But the most hardline conservatives have expressed frustration that the deal McCarthy reached does not do more to cut spending. 

Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.) warned on Tuesday in an interview with Newsmax that if the deal were to pass in the House without a majority of Republicans in favor, an “immediate” motion to vacate would follow. 

Under House rules, only one member would need to make a motion to vacate to require a vote on whether McCarthy could remain as speaker. 

A potential fallback plan raised by some House conservatives to hold up the passage of a bipartisan bill to avert a federal default this week is drawing a cool reception in the upper chamber.

While a few hardline House Republicans looked to their upper chamber colleagues to stall the debt ceiling deal as they called for leadership to find alternatives, those Senate allies were not quick to join the scheme.

“They should be slowing it down,” House Freedom Caucus Chairman Scott Perry (R-Pa.) said of Republican senators on Tuesday. “They should be tanking it as much as they can as well.”

Senate conservatives have similarly expressed disappointment with the deal struck between President Biden and Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.), especially when stacked up against the partisan bill House Republicans passed that might have cut spending by trillions of dollars.

“I think this bill doesn't do nearly enough,” Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) told The Hill on Wednesday, while saying he doesn’t plan to support the measure. He added the bill “gives up most of the budget savings from the bill originally passed by the House of Representatives.”

But pressed on whether he plans to use the tools in his arsenal to delay its passage, Cruz wouldn’t offer a hard answer just yet.

“We'll see what happens first of all with the House today that the House is acting first,” Cruz said. “We'll see what the votes are there, and then I imagine we're going to have a vigorous debate in the Senate and numerous senators are planning to offer amendments, and we'll see what happens with us."

As part of the bill, dubbed the Fiscal Responsibility Act of 2023, leaders on both sides agreed to suspend the debt ceiling through next year, while also laying out budget caps for fiscal 2024 and 2025. The bill also changes work requirements for Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) and Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), and it would claw back some unused coronavirus funds.

Estimates from the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) projected on Tuesday that the bipartisan bill could reduce projected deficits by about $1.5 trillion over the next decade. A previous Republican bill preferred by much of the party was expected to trim more than $4 trillion during the same time frame.

So far, a few conservatives have signaled they plan to introduce amendments, which have been used in the past to slow down passage and hold up floor proceedings. But as a fiscal deadline to keep the nation from defaulting on its debt draws closer, some Senate Republicans don’t seem interested. 

"I don't think that does any good, the delay factor. You make your point through amendments," Sen. Mike Braun (R-Ind.) said this week, while writing off tactics he described as “dramatics” or “gimmicks.” 

While he opposes the bill, he added that if conservatives are allowed amendments, the passage could “be a smooth process.”

Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) similarly said on Tuesday he doesn’t “see much desire over here to delay what's probably gonna be the inevitable.”

“We are going to be obviously holding out so we get certain amendment votes. But let's wait see what happens in the House and make a decision then,” he said, while also telling The Hill he won’t be backing the bill. 

Among the amendments that could be up for consideration includes a proposal by Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) said he’ll insist on a vote that seeks to “balance the budget in five years.”

Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) is expected to add to the amendment tally, while also taking aim at proposed regulatory reforms in the bill. But after vowing last week to use “every procedural tool” to delay passage of the bill if it didn’t include “substantial” reforms, Lee appeared to shift on Wednesday.

“I don’t have any desire to hold it up for the sake of holding it up,” he told NBC News.

But that also didn’t stop Lee from railing against the deal in remarks from the floor later on Wednesday. 

“This deal begs the question with Republicans like these who needs Democrats? We deserve better,” he said. “We deserve a deal that genuinely reflects the urgency of our economic challenges and delivers meaningful results.”

Congress has until Monday to address the debt ceiling or risk a federal default — an outcome experts warn could have devastating effects for economic growth. 

The bill is expected to pass the House later on Wednesday, teeing up for a vote in the Senate not long after. 

“I can tell you what I hope happens is that those who have amendments, if given votes, will yield back time so that we can finish this Thursday or Friday and soothe the country and soothe the markets,” Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) said Wednesday.

House Republicans on Wednesday passed the rule governing debate on bipartisan legislation to lift the debt ceiling, a procedural hurdle that paves the way for final passage of the bill later in the day — but it took an emergency assist from Democrats.

Lawmakers approved the rule in a 241-187 vote just days before June 5, the day Treasury Department Secretary Janet Yellen has said the U.S. could plunge into default if the borrowing limit is not raised.

But the vote was not without a good deal of drama.

While rules votes are typically a partisan, mundane and entirely predictable part of the legislative process, Wednesday’s vote bucked all three trends when more than two dozen Republicans opposed the measure as a last-gasp opportunity to defeat the underlying debt ceiling bill.

And after hanging back, more than 50 Democrats bucked convention to deliver the last-minute votes to push the rule over the finish line.

Before the vote closed, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) held up a green card in an apparent signal of approval for his members to change their votes and help Republicans pass the rule. Democratic members flooded the Well of the House to manually change their votes after voting electronically — though Jeffries remained a 'nay.'

Despite its passage, the vote highlights the tenuous hold that Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) has over his restive conference, where many of the same conservatives who had opposed his Speakership in January reemerged on Wednesday to send a clear message that they think McCarthy betrayed his promises to hold the line on budget issues.

“I’m opposed to the bill, I don’t want the bill to advance, and so I’d like for us to work on another bill that did more to try to help improve the country from a fiscal standpoint,” Rep. Bob Good (R-Va.) told The Hill on Tuesday night, explaining why he would oppose the rule.

Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas), another vocal critic of the bill, took to the House floor Wednesday afternoon to encourage his colleagues to oppose the rule. Twenty-nine did just that.

Given Speaker Kevin McCarthy’s (R-Calif.) thin House majority, 29 GOP defectors seemed like enough to kill the procedural bill — and gum up the whole process — because of an old House tradition that members of the minority party tend to oppose all rules, even when they support the underlying legislation. And heading into the vote, Democratic leaders suggested they would continue that tradition, despite their support for the Biden-backed debt-ceiling package. 

“It’s very simple: The majority is responsible for passing the rule,” Rep. Katherine Clark (D-Mass.), the Democratic whip, told reporters in the Capitol on Wednesday morning.

Clark’s office recommended that Democratic lawmakers vote against the rule.

Yet Democratic leaders, in somewhat cryptic fashion, also vowed not to allow the country to default, forecasting the scenario that ultimately unfolded on the House floor, where 52 Democrats bucked routines and crossed the aisle to secure passage of the rule. 

The unconventional vote launched the debate on the debt ceiling package, negotiated between McCarthy and President Biden, which is scheduled for a final vote Wednesday night. 

The proposal then moves to the Senate, where Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) is fighting to pass it before week’s end. 

The debt limit bill — titled the Fiscal Accountability Act — came together after more than a week of high-stakes negotiations between emissaries tapped by Biden and McCarthy.

The legislation, which stretches 99 pages, suspends the debt limit until Jan. 1, 2025, implements some spending caps over the next two years, beefs up work requirements for federal assistance programs and claws back billions of dollars of unspent COVID-19 funds, among other provisions.

Wednesday’s high-profile vote came after the House Rules Committee adopted the rule to govern debate over the debt limit measure Tuesday night, despite two Republicans breaking from their party and opposing it. Votes in the Rules Committee typically break along party lines, with the majority party supporting the rule and the minority party voting against it.

But in a sign of protest against the debt limit bill, two Republicans on the panel — Roy and Rep. Ralph Norman (S.C.) — opposed the rule, putting the bill at risk of being blocked from advancing to the chamber for a vote. Roy and Norman had initially opposed McCarthy’s Speakership, and both have been vocal critics of the legislation.

The Roy-Norman revolt, however, came one vote short of blocking the bill. Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.), another conservative on the Rules panel, voted for the rule, resulting in a 7-6 vote in favor of advancing the measure and sending the rule to the floor for consideration.

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) announced Wednesday that three additional media outlets will receive access to footage from the Jan. 6 attacks on the Capitol.  

“Huge news: As I promised the J6 tapes will be released,” Greene tweeted.

Greene said in her post that three outlets will receive “unfettered access to the J6 tapes,” noting that reporting on it will start Thursday. House Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.), according to Greene, will give the tapes to Just the News founder John Solomon and Julie Kelly, a senior writer at American Greatness — but she did not mention what the third outlet would be.

Discussions over whether the Jan. 6 tapes should be released to media outlets ramped up earlier this year after McCarthy granted former Fox News host Tucker Carlson access to more than 44,000 hours of footage from the attacks on the Capitol. The move prompted criticism from Democrats and media pundits who warned that the footage could threaten security procedures at the Capitol.  

When airing the footage on his program, Carlson described the attacks as “mostly peaceful chaos.”  

That prompted Greene to reiterate her calls to publicly release all the Jan. 6 footage, saying earlier this month that she was “wondering” when the tapes would be released.

“We need to release the J6 tapes to a public on line source so that everyone knows what did and didn’t happen, we need to restore fair justice, and America can move on,” she tweeted at the time. 

News organizations filed a lawsuit last month to gain access to the tapes, alleging that federal agencies have not given them the requested footage. The news organizations also wrote that they had asked McCarthy to grant them access to the footage.  

“Plaintiffs have continued to press the Speaker’s Office for access to the videos as quickly as possible and on equal terms with other media requestors, only to be told that the Speaker’s Office will not even provide a timeline for when such access might begin,” the complaint states. 

The outlets included in the lawsuit are Advance Publications, The Associated Press, CNN, CBS, The E.W. Scripps Company, Gannett, The New York Times, Politico and ProPublica. 

The Hill has reached out to McCarthy’s office for comment.  

House progressives are expressing dismay over the debt limit deal hammered out by President Biden and Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.), worried that it could set a dangerous precedent for GOP-steamrolling in the future.

A number of the left wing’s heavyweights, including Progressive Caucus Chair Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.) and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), have come out against the deal on principle, which is expected to head to the floor for a vote as soon as this evening. 

While progressive lawmakers have been careful not to outright criticize Biden, many of them are frustrated that he didn’t invoke the 14th Amendment as a way to keep the government afloat while also preserving benefits for working people they had sought. 

Now, they’re warning that it could spell trouble for future negotiations.

“We can’t do that ever again where we’re holding the entire American economy hostage,” Progressive Caucus Whip Greg Casar (D-Texas) said on MSNBC on Wednesday about Republicans, echoing sentiments from Jayapal and a handful of other members who have also said they will vote against the bill. 

“It's a ransom deal,” Casar added. 

Progressives have not been shy about where they stand as the bipartisan talks continue. They have taken issue with eligibility changes for programs like food stamps, arguing that additional work requirements on top of existing stipulations for struggling families is an extra burden.  

Two weeks ago, progressive lawmakers sent a letter to Biden asking him to use his constitutional authority to get around a divided Congress, a move that was embraced by activists and allies but dismissed by other Democrats who said it would take too long to examine under an already ticking clock.  

“Of course he could have used the 14th Amendment. He could have also fought back rhetorically, by making clear that the GOP was solely responsible for endangering the economy,” said progressive commentator Cenk Uygur, host of The Young Turks.

Indeed, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) urged Biden to do the former in a statement Wednesday in which he announced he would be voting against the deal. He was the first senator who caucuses with the Democrats to take that stance.

“The fact of the matter is that this bill is totally unnecessary,” Sanders said. “The President has the authority and the ability to eliminate the debt ceiling today by invoking the 14th Amendment. I look forward to the day when he exercises this authority and puts an end, once and for all, to the outrageous actions of the extreme right-wing to hold our entire economy hostage in order to get what they want.”

Despite trying to get out front of the negotiations by airing their concerns publicly, some progressives in and outside Congress feel they’ve been overlooked in the process. Heading into the final stretch, special interest groups and advocates are less ready to give the president a pat on the back than those working within the confines of Capitol Hill.   

“Biden is the world's worst politician. He should have never negotiated with the Republicans,” Uygur said. “But now that he agreed to be held hostage by Republicans, they're considering shooting the hostage — and he's going to get half the blame.”

“He could not have played it worse,” he said. 

Progressive lawmakers have been careful not to call out the president, who recently launched a reelection campaign. Instead, they have kept their comments mostly diplomatic while working the phones privately to get as much as they could in the final deal. Progressive leaders convened a 90-minute call with fellow caucus members after the text of the bill was released and held press briefings to emphasize their ongoing concerns.  

Many progressives, including Jayapal, have said they believe the president is working in good faith, acknowledging that he was in a difficult position and was essentially doing what he could to avoid an economic disaster. 

In a call with reporters on Tuesday, the progressive chair suggested Democrats were in a tough spot, giving credit to Biden for working to “minimize the most extreme demands and impulses of these MAGA Republicans” and raise the debt limit for two years, which would effectively keep key government programs Americans rely on like Social Security untouched.

“Importantly, the Republicans did not win any major concessions,” Jayapal noted. 

As the whip count was underway on Tuesday and into Wednesday afternoon, however, progressives expressed a willingness to stand in principled opposition to what they see as an agreement that doesn’t represent their flank’s standards for helping working class people. 

Beyond the immediate messaging, they are also looking ahead to a potential rerun of the scenario in the coming years. While the debt ceiling will be funded until 2025, there are concerns among liberal Democrats about what could happen if Republicans take back the White House and maintain control of the House in the upcoming cycles. Threatening the country with a default that would have cataclysmic consequences and potentially leave poor and middle-class Americans lacking essential benefits is not tenable, they say.

Facing a likely last-minute passage, some are now advising about the urgency of finding alternatives to avoid such a drawn-out partisan fight in the coming years. 

“I believe there are options, especially in the future as the president has said, where we shouldn’t have this debt ceiling,” said Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), a rising star on the left who enjoys a close relationship with Biden.

“But the blame should not be on Joe Biden. The blame needs to be on the Republicans in Congress who are using an instrument that’s riding roughshod over the Constitution.”

The activist class has been less diplomatic. Those who aren’t tasked with helping to broker a deal within a divided government see the negotiations as unacceptable and working against some of what they have been pushing for the party to represent. 

“I’ve been on the inside of this kind of work for a minute,” said Kaniela Ing, national director of the Green New Deal Network and a former state representative from Hawaii. “If something is the right thing to do, vote yes. If something is the wrong thing to do, vote no. I think that’s how the vast majority of actual people see these bills.”

Some have also criticized Democrats for squandering a chance to make prior adjustments to how Washington handles the nation’s debt limit when they were in power in both chambers of Congress. 

“When Democrats chose not to raise the debt ceiling when they held a trifecta, they did so knowing that they were leaving working people vulnerable to Republicans’ nefarious games,” Alexandra Rojas, executive director of Justice Democrats, said in a statement. 

Rojas, like others within the progressive movement, pointed to areas where Republicans’ work on the deal cuts against the Democratic agenda, saying that certain provisions were “clearly designed to benefit corporate giants, ultra-wealthy tax cheats, and increase our already bloated military funding at the expense of working families.”

Progressives believe their “no” votes give credibility to their caucus at a time when skepticism of government is rampant. 

“The appearance of bipartisanship for bipartisanship sake, that’s not the point here,” Ing said. “It’s not moral symbolism, it’s simply doing the right thing.”

Republicans defend push for tougher work requirements for food stamps, challenge cost estimates

Republicans are defending changes to work requirements for recipients of food stamps included in a legislative deal hashed out by GOP leadership and the White House to raise the debt limit, challenging estimates that show the push could ultimately lead to more spending for the program.

As part of the Fiscal Responsibility Act of 2023, both sides have agreed to tighten work requirements by raising the age threshold for recipients subject to the rules, as well as some exemptions for certain groups, including veterans and those experiencing homelessness.

Rep. Patrick McHenry (R-N.C.), one of the top GOP negotiators, told The Hill on Tuesday that the exemptions were made because of Democratic concerns, as work requirements remained a major sticking point toward the end of discussions with the White House this past week.

But those changes did not come without cost. Hardline conservatives have raised alarm about estimates from federal budget analysts that say the final deal could actually wind up increasing spending for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) by billions.

“Other than the $12 billion cut on non-defense discretionary spending, there's no other real major adjustments here,” Rep. Byron Donalds (R-Fla.) told reporters this week, while noting figures from the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) that said, “with the new exemptions the SNAP program's going to be bigger.”

“So, I'm trying to figure out exactly what conservatives should be happy about,” Donalds said, adding to the growing criticism leveled by hardline conservatives since the bill’s unveiling over the weekend. 

In addition to changes to SNAP, the bill also sets budget caps for fiscal 2024 and 2025, raises the debt limit through next year, claws back some unused coronavirus funds and makes changes to work requirements for Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF).

CBO projects higher SNAP spending

The CBO, Congress’ nonpartisan budget scorekeeper, estimated the bill could reduce projected deficits by about $1.5 trillion over the next decade. But its projections that spending on SNAP could rise by more than $2 billion as result of the outlined exemptions has gotten pushback from Republicans.   

On call with reporters on Wednesday, House Agriculture Committee Chairman Glenn Thompson (R-Pa.) singled out the scoring as “wrong,” claiming the budget office double-counted in its estimates.

“It was a factor of double counting these individuals with the new exemption areas, with veterans, homeless and those aging out foster youth, they're largely already counted,” he said. “They're already eligible, and so there was certainly a double counting that occurred.”

The Hill has reached out to the CBO for comment. 

Division over work requirements

In the end, Thompson said the changes to SNAP should’ve added up to “a wash,” while arguing that the bill would ultimately help grow the economy and lead to a “positive flow of income coming in, which is not captured today, in any of the studies that are done on the financial impact.”

“We're going to return these programs to being a life vest, not a lifestyle,” Rep. Mike Johnson (R-La.), said vice chairman of the House Republican Conference, said on the call on Wednesday, arguing the reforms will help “end the cycle of dependency for children and families grown up on welfare.”

However, some conservatives reacting to the CBO estimates have used the projections as ammo to attack the bill, which some say didn’t go far enough in deficit reduction. 

“The gang can’t shoot straight, folks. Work requirements are supposed to save money,” Russ Vought, president of Citizens for Renewing America, tweeted of the recent estimates on Tuesday afternoon.

The proposed work requirements for SNAP in the final deal mark a shift from what House Republicans previously sought as part of their partisan bill to raise the debt limit that passed the lower chamber last month – which some estimates say would have helped cut about $11 billion in spending over the next decade. 

But defending the proposed changes to work requirements in the bill, Rep. Dusty Johnson (R-S.D.) told The Hill on Tuesday that “Republican motivation on the welfare reforms was not about saving money.”

“It was about moving people out of poverty and helping them get ahead,” he argued. 

At the same time, liberals and advocates have come out against the proposed changes to work requirements, with Congressional Progressive Caucus Chairwoman Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.) sharing her opposition to the push in remarks to reporters on Tuesday.

“I think work requirements are bad, period, full stop, and they are bad, whether they're applied to Medicaid, whether they're applied to snap or whether they're applied to TANF,” Jayapal said, while also telling reporters that she thinks Democrats should have held a stronger line to prevent the changes from being added to the final deal.

Mike Lillis contributed.

Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) said on Wednesday that President Biden “walled off” all but 11 percent of the federal budget for spending cuts in their debt ceiling negotiations.

“We only got to look at 11 percent of the budget to find these cuts,” McCarthy said in an interview on Fox News Channel’s “The Faulkner Focus,” adding that it was “because the president walled off all the others.”

“The majority driver of the budget is mandatory spending. It's Medicare, Social Security, interest on the debt,” he said. “So, you only have 11 percent to look at this budget.”

McCarthy and Biden reached a deal on the debt ceiling on Saturday night, which is expected to head to a vote in the House on Wednesday night.

While over 30 House Republicans have indicated that they will not vote for the measure, the Speaker remained optimistic that they can “get it done without them.”

“We will get it done overwhelmingly,” McCarthy said. “Look, people have different opinions … To govern is not easy, but I don't want to be on the wrong side of history.”

He added that he also plans to form a bipartisan commission to examine the "entire" budget.

“This isn't the end. This doesn't solve all the problems,” McCarthy said. “This is the first step.”

House Democratic leaders warned Wednesday that it will be up to Republicans to pass the rule governing the debt ceiling increase, pushing the burden onto Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) to rally enough Republican support on the procedural measure allowing a final vote on legislation to prevent a default.

“In regards to the rule, it’s very simple: The majority is responsible for passing the rule,” Rep. Katherine Clark (D-Mass.), the Democratic whip, told reporters in the Capitol just hours before the rule vote is scheduled. 

The rule has emerged as a potential pitfall in the race to pass the bipartisan debt ceiling package — negotiated between McCarthy and President Biden — before June 5 and avoid the first-ever government default.

As a tradition, the minority party in the House has virtually always voted against the rules that establish the parameters of debate surrounding floor votes on bills, even if the minority party supports the underlying legislation. 

That convention could prove to be a headache for McCarthy, as a number of conservative opponents of the debt ceiling package are also weighing whether to vote also against the rule, which could prove — at least temporarily — to be the more effective strategy for blocking the bill. 

With a razor-thin House majority, McCarthy has little room for error: He can lose only five Republicans and still pass the rule if Democrats hold their line in opposition, as they’re vowing to do. 

“As Katherine has indicated, the majority is responsible for ensuring the passage of the rule,” House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) said Wednesday as he stood beside Clark. 

Still, Jeffries and his leadership team are also hailing the debt ceiling bill as a victory for Biden and the Democrats in the face of “hostage-taking” demands from Republicans for steep spending cuts. And they’re vowing not to allow the country to default. 

“We will not allow a default to happen,” Jeffries said.

That remark raises the possibility that Democrats would withhold their votes on the rule initially, to highlight what could be a potentially embarrassing moment for McCarthy if the rule fails, and then switch their votes to help pass the rule for the sake of preventing an economy-rattling default. 

The rule vote is scheduled for 3:30 p.m. Wednesday afternoon, with the vote on final passage scheduled for roughly 8:30 p.m. Those times could be pushed if McCarthy struggles to pass the rule in the first round. 

Passage of the final bill appears to be more certain, as lawmakers in both parties were lining up in support of the measure, despite the vowed opposition from far-left Democrats and hard-line conservatives. 

Jeffries, who had warned that tougher work requirements for safety net programs were a “nonstarter” in any final deal, switched positions Wednesday to announce his support for the package, noting that the legislation also eases work requirements for certain other populations, effectively expanding eligibility for food stamps and other government programs. 

It’s unclear how many Democrats will be needed to help the majority Republicans move the package through the House.

“We haven’t gotten the precise number from the other side of the aisle yet,” Jeffries said. 

But he’s vowing to provide at least 70 Democrats — and the number will likely be much higher, since Democrats are under heightened pressure to demonstrate support for Biden, whose approval rating is below 40 percent amid his run to keep the White House in next year’s elections.  

Still, Jeffries suggested Democrats would withhold that support until McCarthy can secure two-thirds of his conference — or 148 votes — at which time Democrats will send the bill over the finish line. 

“We continue to maintain that House Republicans need to keep their commitment to produce 150 votes for the resolution that they themselves negotiated,” Jeffries said. “And when that happens, Democrats are going to make sure that there is no default.”

The bipartisan Problem Solvers Caucus endorsed the bill to raise the debt ceiling and add new caps on spending, as party leaders work to whip members ahead of an expected vote on Wednesday night.

The caucus’s co-chairs, Rep. Josh Gottheimer (R-N.J.) and Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Penn.) praised the bill as fiscally responsible in a joint statement on Wednesday, and Gottheimer said their caucus “will play a key role in getting this legislation across the finish line and preventing a default.”

The deal reached by Speaker Kevin McCarthy and President Biden over the weekend raises the debt ceiling for two years, claws back some COVID spending and increases work requirements for some public assistance programs.

It also cuts non-defense discretionary spending in 2024 and limits discretionary spending to 1 percent growth in 2025. But it falls for short of the spending cuts outlined in the Republican Limit, Save, Grow Act passed in the House last month. 

Biden for months said he would not negotiate with Republicans over the debt ceiling, but ultimately hammered out the deal with McCarthy just days ahead of the June 5 "X date" when the Treasury says it will be unable to pay the government's bills.

Fitzpatrick touted the caucus's bipartisan framework advanced last month, which he said “played an instrumental role in breaking the gridlock, providing the White House and Congressional negotiators with a two-party solution to guide their conversations.”  

“Our bipartisan caucus is now proud to overwhelmingly endorse this two-party solution, The Fiscal Responsibility Act, that both avoids default and also begins the process of putting our nation on a path to fiscal sustainability," Fitzpatrick wrote in the statement.

"There is still much more work to be done. But this legislation is a very, very important first step."

Gottheimer added that, with a divided government, "you have to actually work together to find a solution that can make it across the finish line.”

"In the end, this vote will happen from the middle out and the Problem Solvers will play a key role in getting this legislation across the finish line and preventing a default,” he added.

The Problem Solvers Caucus is comprised of 64 members, evenly split between Democrats and Republicans. They caucus pushes for bipartisan solutions to legislative problems and has played a key role in advancing bipartisan legislation in recent years. 

Rep. Chris Stewart (R-Utah) announced on Wednesday that he will resign from Congress, citing his wife's health issues.

“It has been one of the great honors of my life to serve the good people of Utah in Congress,” Stewart said in a statement. “My wife and I have made so many dear friends and memories throughout our journey. I can say with pride that I have been an effective leader for my beloved home state, and I’m honored to have played an important role in guiding our nation through some troubled times.”

“But my wife’s health concerns have made it necessary that I retire from Congress after an orderly transition can be ensured,” he added.

The Salt Lake Tribune reported on Tuesday that Stewart — who represents Utah’s 2nd Congressional District — was planning to resign because of his wife’s ongoing health issues.

Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) confirmed Stewart’s plans on Wednesday shortly before the congressman issued his statement, telling reporters “at this moment right now his spouse needs him.”

“So he's made that decision. It was not an easy decision for him," he said. "But we will continue to hold that seat.”

Stewart reflected on his roughly 10-year tenure in Congress when announcing his resignation.

“My family and I have been very blessed by this experience,” he wrote in his statement. “Thank you to all those who have supported and sacrificed to help us. The fight goes on. God bless all of you, and God bless our nation.”

Rep. James Clyburn (D-S.C.) is condemning the fatal shooting of a 14-year-old Black boy by a convenience store clerk in Columbia, S.C.

In a statement this week, Clyburn said he is praying for “swift justice” for Cyrus Carmack-Belton, who was shot in the back after a convenience store owner falsely accused him of shoplifting on Sunday night. 

“I’m horrified and deeply saddened by the senseless murder of 14-year-old Cyrus Carmack-Belton in Columbia this weekend,” said Clyburn. “His family and loved ones should be celebrating his recent eighth grade graduation from Summit Parkway Middle School. Instead, they are mourning this unimaginable loss. My prayers are with them and the entire community during this devastating time.”

Store owner Rick Chow, 58, was charged with Carmack-Belton’s killing on Monday and was in custody as of Tuesday. According to authorities, Chow believed Carmack-Belton had stolen four water bottles from his Shell Station after he and Chow’s son had an argument. 

Chow and his son chased after Carmack-Belton, who fell as they neared an apartment complex. But as Carmack-Belton got back up, Chow’s son claimed that he saw the boy had a gun, and Chow proceeded to shoot Cyrus in the back. 

Carmack-Belton was taken to a nearby hospital where he was pronounced dead. The wound from the bullet caused hemorrhaging and major damage to the boy's heart, according to Richland County Coroner Naida Rutherford. 

Though authorities later recovered a gun next to the Carmack-Belton’s body, the sheriff said there was no evidence the teen ever pointed the weapon at Chow or his son. Richland County Sheriff Leon Lott also said there was no evidence the teenager stole anything. 

Carmack-Belton’s death led to protests outside Chow’s store. On Monday, several people broke into it and took items off the shelves. Carmack-Belton's name was also spray-painted on the store walls. Signs taped to the store read: "No child deserves to die over water.”

“This tragedy should have never happened,” said Clyburn. “The criminalization of Black men and boys and the historic trend of painting them as aggressors have time and again led to deadly and heartbreaking circumstances. Cyrus Carmack-Belton has since been declared innocent, but his supposed crime of shoplifting a bottle of water should not have cost him his life.”

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) is giving a press briefing Wednesday, as a floor vote on the proposed debt ceiling deal approaches.

Congressional leaders are working to rally support for the legislation ahead of Wednesday’s vote, just five days before a Monday deadline to raise the debt limit.

A number of conservatives and some liberal House lawmakers have announced plans to vote against the bill, upping pressure on leaders to corral enough votes for the legislation to cross the finish line. 

GOP leaders in the House had demanded spending restrictions in exchange for raising the debt ceiling. Some conservatives have argued the bill does not cut spending enough, while some Democrats argue it goes too far.

The press conference is scheduled for 11 a.m. EDT.

Watch the live video above.