Victoria resident Julie Baetz was on her daily commute to work when she spotted a peculiar sight at the B.C. Legislature. A dozen people, all dressed in black and wearing masks, walked up the steps of the legislative building before unfurling a banner bearing the word “remigration” and the name Loyalist Pioneers.

Watching from a distance, Baetz took a few pictures, and a quick online search confirmed her suspicion that the group was a white nationalist organization, making an appearance the day following the Oct. 24 provincial election, in which Conservatives won a sweeping majority.

According to the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, the group is classified as part of the “white nationalism 3.0” or “Active Club” movement — an emerging decentralized network of alt-right groups using physical fitness, combat sports, and camaraderie to recruit members into white supremacist and extremist activities.

Spreading across Canada over the past few years, the group is part of a broader movement that includes Second Sons and Nationalist-13, whose primary focus is anti-immigration.

The word “remigration,” displayed on the group’s banner, is a modern political buzzword used by far-right movements to promote the mass deportation or forced expulsion of immigrants and their descendants.

According to Edwin Hodge, an adjunct professor at the University of Victoria who specializes in extremism, radicalization and conspiratorial ideologies, the term is now considered a “white nationalist dog whistle.”

“Their sort of narrative is that they simply want to help non-white folk return to their land of origin,” he said. “But if you read their internal messaging, violence is always a part of that equation.”

Unlike the white nationalist movement of the 20th century, which includes the neo-Nazi skinheads and the Klan, this new wave seeks to conceal their agenda under a “veneer of respectability,” said Hodge.

“If you look at their websites and their outward-facing rhetoric, very little of it has anything to do with white nationalism,” he said. “In fact, a lot of them are, there’s no mention of that at all. What they do talk about is camaraderie and brotherhood.

“For a lot of young men who are looking for that connection, it sounds great.”

Using the promise of companionship to attract young, disenfranchised members, the group cultivates a “tribe and train” façade as a soft entry point into radicalization.

While it’s difficult to estimate the number of members of groups like the Loyalist Pioneers, their social media and digital footprints are larger now than they have been in a long time, said Hodge.

And the group’s appearance was a carefully planned public stunt intended to make its presence known in the region.

“Their message is, ‘Yeah, we exist and if you feel the way we feel, there are people here for you,’” said Hodge. “It isn’t surprising that they’re here given that Victoria has a reputation of being quite open and welcoming to queer folk, trans folk, and to people of diverse backgrounds.

“These folks showing up is a message saying, ‘Let’s pour some cold water on that.’”

Despite incoming B.C. Premier Lorne Doerksen’s denunciation of the group’s appearance, Hodge believes the incident directly coincides with the election of a majority Conservative government.

“My suspicion is that they were doing this largely as a sign of, ‘It’s our turn now,’” Hodge said.

While sharing one’s radical point of view online, under the cover of anonymity, represents very little risk, taking it out into the physical world carries a strong symbolic meaning.

“The fact that they are feeling emboldened to do that tells us something about the level of radicalization and commitment to the movement,” he said. “These folks, particularly the ones standing out there, are willing to take that risk.”

When asked whether this public appearance was an isolated event or bound to repeat itself, Hodge said the latter was simply a symptom of a greater issue.

Origins of a movement

While it’s impossible to pinpoint the emergence of this new wave of white nationalism, Hodge said far-right activities increased during the COVID-19 pandemic.

During this period of deep social upheaval, Hodge explained, the pandemic sent shockwaves through people’s lives, unsettling their established order and routines.

“What we’re seeing now is more Canadians than ever are under significant levels of strain, social strain, political disaffiliation,” he said. “People are tired, they’re overwhelmed, and in these periods of disequilibrium, a lot of us are desperate. We’ll do anything to turn back the tide.”

Isolated, unemployed and financially vulnerable, many turned to fringe narratives that seemed to explain their hardships.

That’s when white nationalist groups swooped in, riding a populist wave sparked by Donald Trump’s 2016 election, and offered a haven for disenfranchised people — mostly young men — to come together over common grievances.

“They’ve latched on to this rhetoric that says, ‘Who’s to blame? It’s immigrants,’” Hodge said. “Forget private equity firms and hedge funds that are buying up housing and letting it sit empty, it’s the immigrants. That’s the problem.”

Rather than addressing the issues that created those problems in the first place, Hodge explained, white nationalist groups found it easier to target a unifying scapegoat to blame for society’s ills.

Whereas racist messages draped over highway overpasses were a rare occurrence before COVID-19, they have since become a recurring sight in Canadian cities, Hodge said.

While their influence may still be limited to online discussion groups, Hodge believes these groups’ reach and impact could be felt increasingly over the next few years.

“They are still politically fringe, but I think that they have begun to recognize the kind of influence they could have at the municipal level,” he said, adding that members of these groups are becoming more politically engaged than the average Canadian.

The best way to fight back against these trends, Hodge said, comes down to one simple thing: knowledge.

“People need to take it upon themselves because no one is going to educate them on all of the dangers that are out there and the pathways to radicalization,” he said. “People need to become more critical. They have to be less credulous and be more skeptical.”

This starts with better digital and media literacy in order to discern radical narratives.

“We need those tools because those are the only things that can help to short-circuit these patterns of radicalization right when they start infiltrating our social media networks.”

A little laughter or ignoring racist comments online can also help defuse the situation and let people know their views are not welcome, Hodge said. However, when the situation calls for it, taking action can go a long way toward curtailing those narratives.

“When it’s appropriate and safe, call them out,” he said. “If you see people posting this nonsense in your social media feeds, say something.”

Salmon Arm Observer

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